On the Road before E Day

Day 14: Will the Congress and BJP talk policy... not trivia?

This is turning out to be a bizarre and disappointing election in terms of the issues being raised and the concerns being highlighted. Some minor former official writes a book; a politician’s marital status becomes headline news; a high-profile candidate’s sister and her off-the-cuff remarks are interpreted by overzealous journalists: is this really what the world’s biggest democratic exercise is about? Do 814 million voters, selecting their representatives to Parliament, deserve such trivialisation?

Who does this silly discourse suit? It is perfect for the two national parties, the Congress and the BJP, which have near identical positions on many important matters and policies and are doing their best not to let the people know. If you think that’s an exaggeration, I’ll leave you with five examples.

First, on FDI in retail the Congress has been supportive and the BJP, for all its pretence, ambiguous, couching its opposition in greyness. In its manifesto, it says it opposes FDI in retail but doesn’t explicitly say it will reverse the UPA government’s policy. Why? Am I smelling something – or smelling too much?

Second, on FDI in a host of other sensitive sectors, such as insurance and pensions, the Congress and the BJP have been on the same side when the cameras are off in Parliament. They have the same clients and lobbyists to pander to.

Third, on the Land Acquisition Act, for all the big words, the Congress and the BJP jointly passed a law that still permits forced acquisition and severely curtails the farmer’s right to a fair and informed transaction.

Fourth, on the Food Security Act, the Congress and the BJP have congratulated themselves for a law that is hollow. It makes promises of substantial outlays but without adequate provision of funds. It focuses on grains and does not adequately consider high prices of protein-rich foods, such as pulses, that people need for health and nutrition.

Finally, on the Women’s Reservation Bill, both national parties make loud noises and cry themselves hoarse about women’s rights and access to political power, but act contrarily to their so-called commitments. Only eight per cent of the BJP’s Lok Sabha election candidates are women, and only 14 per cent of the Congress’ are.

On the other hand, I’m proud to say 27 per cent of Trinamool Congress candidates are women. Many of them are contesting in strong constituencies the party is likely to win. We haven’t sent our female nominees to weak seats just to make up the numbers.

Is any of this being discussed? No. Instead the focus is on some minor former official writing a book, a politician’s marital status, what a high-profile candidate’s sister said... I rest my case.

Derek O’Brien
Member of Parliament
Chief Whip in the Rajya Sabha and National Spokesperson, Trinamool Congress

On the Road before E Day

Day 13: Why AAP is missing in many States

I have often been asked why the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has not been successful in West Bengal. My argument is AAP has got traction in primarily those areas where the Congress and the BJP are the only contenders and where voters are tired and cynical of both options. Delhi is a very good example. In the capital, and in neighbouring urban areas in Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh – and from what I hear Himachal Pradesh and pockets of Punjab – AAP has got a response due to fatigue with the two national parties.

That aside, in the northern, Hindi-speaking states, AAP has had a language advantage, most of its leadership being conversant in Hindi. It has also found great support from sections of the national media, which has an influence in the national capital regional and its periphery. One consequence of this is the large number of former journalists – three of seven in the Lok Sabha seats of Delhi alone – who have signed up as AAP candidates.

These factors are tested as one moves further from Delhi. In states where regional parties and leaders are satisfying the developmental urges and political sentiments of people, AAP will find it difficult to break in. There is the additional problem of language. Arvind Kejriwal and his lieutenants cannot possibly be evocative communicators in Bengali or Odiya or Telugu.

Never a strong force in Kolkata, AAP has now almost disappeared. A few weeks ago, my old friend Mudar Patherya joined AAP. A cricket writer of exceptional ability, Mudar later became a financial services professional. As a citizen of Kolkata, he is well-liked, has friends in several political parties and does a lot for civic consciousness. I have known him for three decades now, and have long felt he is the sort of person who should be in politics.

I was disappointed when I read in the newspapers that Mudar had become a member of AAP and had agreed to stand from the Kolkata (South) constituency. I didn’t call to congratulate him but neither did I send him a message to rethink. It was his decision and I respected that.

Recently, Mudar announced he was standing down as candidate and leaving AAP. The honeymoon was over. I phoned him and asked him what had happened. He said he was unhappy that there was little programmatic clarity and support from AAP in Delhi. “I was working with eight campaign volunteers,” he told me, “five of whom were from my family. The pressure was beginning to take a toll on my health.”

Gradually it dawned on Mudar that AAP was a non-starter. For his sake, I’m glad he found out sooner rather than later. For Bengal’s sake, I hope he – and others like him – gravitate towards mainstream and not maverick politics.

Derek O’Brien
Member of Parliament
Chief Whip in the Rajya Sabha and National Spokesperson, Trinamool Congress